Customer Service Provided

Customer service provided by Co-operative travel and Thomas Cook * Individuals * Groups * People of different cultures * Non-English speakers * People with specific needs * Business men and women. * Internal Thomas Cook: Individuals Thomas Cook needs to provide excellent customer service to a wide range of customers with different expectations and needs, by providing the right holiday for all customers. They also arrange singles holidays where individuals can enjoy the company of many other individuals on their holiday.Most of the customers that book individual holidays are business men and women who may require accommodation with services such as telephone/modem link, wake up calls and newspapers. Groups Thomas Cook provides discounts for group holidays if a group has 9 or more travelling. This discount is normally provided by the tour operators therefore the holiday must be booked directly with the organisers of that particular holiday.Any holidays booked for a group that consists of families will have to take into consideration the different ages and gender of the people travelling because they will require a range of activities to suite everyone. Thomas Cook have to make sure they are meeting the individual needs as well as the needs of the group. Group discounts will also be given to educational bookings e. g. euro Disney provide educational weekends which can be booked through travel agents. People of different culturesThomas Cook have to make sure they accommodate for people of all cultures e. g. some religions don't eat beef, so for their in-flight meals they will have to make sure the food contains no beef at all. Also they have to make sure that they do not use any offensive or inappropriate language, attitude and moral behaviour. It is also the responsibility of Thomas cook to tell customers about the culture of the country that the customer is travelling to e. g. when my auntie went to Egypt she was told to cover her body, as in some parts of Egypt she may be harassed.

Presenting the Budget Essay

INTRODUCTORY SUMMARY: V.C. & Associates along with New York City propose to offer a job training program housed within the NYC Department of Social Services beginning July 1, 2013 the beginning of the fiscal period 2013. STATEMENT OF NEED: Since Super Storm Sandy in 2012, years of collaboration within the Mayor’s office to crackdown on slumlords, the market crash of 2008 and the continuing efforts to keep New Yorkers safe since 2001, an influx of jobs have been created throughout New York. Since 2007, City-certified Minority and Women-Owned Business Enterprises have been awarded over 26,000 City prime contracts and subcontracts worth more than $1.9 billion. (nyc.gov 2014) An evaluation of high growth and rapid demand in office administration, security, construction and apartment maintenance poises a need for employable individuals to enter the market place. The Department of Social Services has administrative responsibilities for families not only in crisis but those seeking to enrich their lives t hrough training to better prepare them for the workforce. Presenting the Budget  2 Once individuals are provided hands-on job training workshops they will be able to go out and seek employment. PROGRAM DESCRIPTION: The Human Resources Administration, Department of Social Services (DSS) provides services and temporary assistance that help families and individuals with economic and social service needs to achieve their highest level of self-sufficiency and that help other families and individuals remain self-sufficient. (nyc.gov 2014) Fifteen percent of U.S. adults lack a high school diploma or high school equivalency credential, and another 30 percent have a high school diploma with no postsecondary education. Collectively, these individuals make up over half of today’s unemployed adults. Adults without a high school diploma are more likely to be in need of temporary cash assistance and in-kind benefits such as Medicaid, food stamps, and housing subsidies. BENEFITS: The primary benefit from this project would be to strengthen the link between employers’ urgent needs and individuals who are job ready because of hands-on job training workshops. Having a few companies commit to expressing their needs would allow DSS to deploy skilled individuals in the workforce instead of a company having to train them. For example, within the office administration training, hands on training would consist of building confidence in Microsoft Word and Excel because these two are the basics for administration assistance. Presenting the Budget 3 PERFORMANCE MEASUREMENT: Measurements Measure Target InputCost to provide hands-on job training workshops in office administration, security, construction and apartment maintenanceAs budgeted for $500,000 over 3 years beginning Outcome Over 85% of trained individuals placed in the workforce. Sustain initial 85% placement rate for years two and three. EfficiencyCost per individual trainedApproximately $625 to train each individual to receive employment and become self-sufficient. EffectivenessPercent of individuals  placed Provide repeat workshop for 20% of population if requested after placed and not successful Quality or ProcessPercent of employers satisfied with placed individuals at the end of six monthsOn a scale of 1 to 10, 10 being very satisfied and 1 being dissatisfied, projected target will be between seven and ten. Equity Percent of individuals who remain in the workforce one year after placement.70 percent of individuals still with initial placement after one year. COSTS: The program costs are mostly allocated to personnel and contractual services because of the nature of the program. The Social Services Department would have one full-time equivalent employee charged 35% of the time to the program to oversee the operations for the next three years. In addition to the full-time staff member, a part-time staff member will be hired to perform all functions related to carrying out day to day duties related to but not limited to contracted personnel scheduling for training sessions, classroom and equipment set-up, ordering supplies, recordkeeping of stipends associated with travel for offsite visits. Presenting the Budget 4 Other costs associated with the program are computer and software purchases in year one, which the computer costs are lower in years two and three because only software licenses should be updated or additional software purchases required but computers purchased in year one should have a useful life of five years which will exceed the program by two years. STAFFING IMPACT: One part-time employee will begin working in FY2013. For fiscal years 2014 and 2015 an additional part-time employee will be employed to assist because of anticipated numbers of individuals will increase in years two and three. Within the small business sector contracted instructors/trainers from each of the four sectors will provide employment and training services for low-skilled, unemployed adults, including veterans for the workforce. These instructors will be vetted from NYC’s Minority and Women-owned Business Enterprise (M/WBE) Program, the Emerging Business Enterprise (EBE) Program and the Locally-base d Business Enterprise (LBE) Program. Breakdown of Expected Individuals Per Sector 32040%Office Administration 28035%Security 8010%Apartment maintenance 12015%Construction 800100% OPTIONS: A cost of $625 per individual for training is pennies compared to what the state and federal assistance cost would be for each of the anticipated 800 participants in one year. For example, in New York State an individual could receive $600 monthly for housing and food assistance. The cost of three years of training 800 individuals would be equal to that of the state paying 800 welfare recipients in one month. Presenting the Budget 5 To ensure that our nation rises to the task of developing a skilled workforce that meets the demands of employers, policymakers need to widen their focus to expanding education and training to lower-skilled adults and youth, including high school dropouts, adults who have a high school diploma or GED but are not college ready, and adults with low English proficiency. Without a targeted strategy to educate more low-skilled Americans, the U.S. will continue to lag behind in measures of educational attainment and hence in economic competitiveness. (Foster, Strawn, Duke 2011) After evaluating years one and two the Department should determine whether additional funding should be requested for additional years. The economy will continue to grow and no deserving individual should be left behind because of lack of skills. Budget allocation Object codes201320142015 Personnel services (PS), Total: Full-time, permanent=FTE ($125,000*.35) 43,750 46,000 48,000 Part-time (1 employee yr 1; yrs 2 & 3 = 1.5 employees) 30,000 40,000 40,000 Contractual (Professional trainers from various industries) 20,000 55,000 28,000 Nonpersonnel services (OTPS), Total: Supplies 20,000 30,000 25,000 Computers & Computer Software 25,000 10,000 8,500 Rental Equipment 5,000 7,000 6,500 Travel Benefits 2,750 5,000 4,500 Social Services Contractual services Charges, awards, grants and subsidies Bonds and other Fund, Total: General funds Federal funds State funds146,500193,000160,5000 Other funds Employees, Total ACCOMPANYING LEGISLATION: No legislation is required to implement this program. The Workforce Investment Act (WIA) Adult formula program provides employment and training services for disadvantaged, low-skilled, unemployed, and underemployed adults, including veterans, within the public workforce system. The program is well-positioned to meet the needs of adult job seekers and support the economic recovery by helping adult customers understand their skills in the context of the current labor market and improve those skills to find better jobs with career pathways. Specifically, the WIA Adult formula program: †¢ Supports an economy that is built to last by aligning the skills of American workers with needs of businesses so they can compete in the rapidly evolving job market of the 21st century; †¢ Transforms the unemployment system into a reemployment system by providing adult job seekers with job placement, career counseling, skills-training, credential attainment, and labor exchange services that make it possible for disadvantaged, low-skilled, and underemployed adult workers to get back to work quickly; †¢ Puts veterans back to work by providing priority of service to veterans and eligible spouses; and †¢ Offers seamless service delivery  with multiple workforce-related programs housed in American Job Centers. A consolidated entry point provides the best value in terms of positive outcomes for job seekers and business customers by capitalizing on the administrative efficiencies and shared resources. (nyc.gov 2014) The Department will award 4 – 5 competitive grants ranging in size from $2 – 3 million to regions to implement sector-based strategies to meet the dual goals of providing customized solutions for business while providing training and career advancement opportunities for targeted populations. These grants would support the development of partnerships between the workforce system, business, community colleges, economic development, and others such as organized labor, the adult basic education system, and supportive service providers; modify existing training based on business demand; and train and provide career advancement opportunities for targeted populations such as acutely or chronically long term unemployed low-wage workers, new labor market entrants, and veterans. (dol.gov 2014) Presenting the Budget 7 Keeping in tandem with other major cities it would be to New York’s advantage to pursue this program. Reference http://www.nyc.gov/html/sbs/html/about/about.shtml Foster, Strawn, J., Duke-Banfield, 2011, Beyond Basic Skills http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED538035.pdf http://www.nyc.gov/html/sbs/html/procurement/mwbe.shtml http://www.dol.gov/dol/budget/2015/PDF/CBJ-2015-V1-04.pdf

Mayan Collapse

The purpose of this investigation is to find the real reason why and how Copal collapsed. Copal was placed where Honduras is today; Copal showed they were great civilization of the cultural Amman life. People wondered what happened to the once great civilization. Copal civilization had a rapid fall do to diseases, natural disasters, overpopulation, economic disruption, and many more. All those things that can happen to a civilization bring a collapse. But people around wanted evidence, from information that I read it was said there was no follow period and land was Ewing overused.This was also hipping leading into another fact that the population was getting to large more than what civilization can hold. The evidence that kind of gave you the answer of the telling of overpopulation was the skulls and bones left behind. When the skulls were found there was a question was do these to skulls have different outcomes on what happened to them? Skull #1 showed it had severe anemia which pro bably killed the Copal citizen. Skull # 1 had spongy looking areas on the back of their skull which are caused by lack of iron in diet. The percentage was 0 percent of skeleton showed they had anemia.Skull # 2 showed the Amman culture way of they had being wrapped during childhood formed into shape that Mayans are use to. The teeth were carved in an intricate pattern, something that Maya upper social classes would do. Skull # 2 was also shown that it had spongy looking areas on the on there had. This Amman noble had anemia also. The evidence has now proved this was not a gradual fall. In the forest there were plants that could have evidence In how and why Copal collapsed. These plants can tell us how it collapsed based on heir life style and how It affected the plants.These plants showed that Copal valley had a heaver return back to the forest. I reached the conclusion that there were people with anemia when they died. A constant of over farming, too big of a population for Its own civilization, and economic disruption. This to me and evidence that there was a rapid decline going on. To prevent a collapse from happening It Is said that every society should have their own needs of rules, food, labor, drinks, and trader. Also your society should have educational purposes, with a passing of certain expectations.To make sure this Is all being followed your society should provide meaning and motivation to Its members. Amman Collapse By Distant-Johnson this was not a gradual fall. In the forest there were plants that could have evidence in their life style and how it affected the plants. These plants showed that Copal valley population for its own civilization, and economic disruption. This to me and evidence that there was a rapid decline going on. To prevent a collapse from happening it is expectations. To make sure this is all being followed your society should provide meaning and motivation to its members.

The Effect of Heroin on Pregnant women Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

The Effect of Heroin on Pregnant women - Essay Example eroin, Marijuana, Brown sugar and others have adverse and harmful side affects and it is doubly harmful for any pregnant mother as it spoils her health. Once addicted to a drug, a person finds it extremely difficult to get over it and even if he or she Many pregnant, addicted, substance abusing mothers suffer tremendously when they go through withdrawal symptoms during later pregnancy and child birth. Initially when the drug is taken by a person, it makes them feel heavy and drowsy. They are hardly conscious of their surroundings and very often go into delirium. (Bauer, C.R., et al. September, 2005) Heroin affects the nervous system, making the person’s mental responses slow and clouded. Their breathing becomes heavy and slow and the Cardiac function slows down very much, sometimes to the point of death. Withdrawal symptoms are extremely difficult to go through. During this period, the mother experiences, extreme craving for the drug, and if left alone, can use it once again. The mother undergoing these symptoms is irrational and exhibits irritability. She becomes moody and throws a lot of frustration around. She has sleep abnormalities and The addicted pregnant mother experiences all this, in addition to severe hormonal imbalance which adversely affects the growing fetus in the mother’s womb. The results of such an experience, is fatal to the unborn child and may damage the fetus for life. Though it is quite a difficult task to treat addiction, yet there are ways and means that a person can get over his or her addiction. Treatment can be done in two ways. The person can be treated as an out – patient or in the very severe cases it is better to treat the addiction if she is an in- patient. For pregnant mothers addicted to heroin, it is better for them to be treated as in – patients because they can be always under the watchful eyes of the physician or nurse who could help immediately if things did not go quite right. Illicit drugs such as Heroin,

Strategies in Action,Implementing Strategies and Finance and Growth Assignment

Strategies in Action,Implementing Strategies and Finance and Growth Strategies - Assignment Example CLS is basically about cost-related efficiency. Thus scale economies play a very significant role here. Selling a standardized product at a lower price to a large segment of customers is the underlying principle of CLS (Pretorius, 2008). While Starbucks being a network of high street coffee shops meets some of these requirements, its inability to keep prices low has been attributed to rising costs. In fact with Shultz assuming duties as the Chairman of the company in 1987, things began to improve at Starbucks and the trend continued till 2000 when he became the President. n the first few years of the current decade Starbucks faced some of the worst problems. In the first place, prices began to rise much faster and bureaucratic bungling hampered progress on many fronts. The current developments show that rising demands by employees for higher salaries and the addition of frills such as flavors have been the main cause of rising costs. Porter’s Generic Strategy requires such costs to be brought under control so that scale related economies become positive by way of reduced average costs and mass sales. Right now, unfortunately, it seems neither is happening at Starbucks and most probably this is partially due to the economic downturn. Despite Shultz’ efforts to bring down costs by curtailing pay and extra benefits to staff, there is a sizeable rise in the paychecks and the company is losing on the competition front. The competitive cost advantage is often attributed to scale economies and at Starbucks, it did not happen as of late. Porter has mentioned two dimensions – strategic scope and strategic strength – as essential factors for CLS to be achieved. The rest of the original cube of 27 points is no more in vogue. However, his emphasis on product differentiation and cost efficiency matters here because Starbucks had a troubled past and is just now emergent from its troubles with Shultz at the helm again as the CEO.  Ã‚  

Quality Management at Toyota Motor Co Term Paper

Quality Management at Toyota Motor Co - Term Paper Example Most of the organisations use the standard based on ISO 9000. There is certain quality control models developed for automobile industry in various countries namely VDA for Germany, AVSQ for Italy and QS-9000 for US automobile industry among others. Since 1951, Japan offers Deming-Award for Quality Management (FinePrint, n.d.). Quality Management Based On ISO 9000 Source: (Comite euro-international du beton, 1998). 1. Brief Historical Background Toyota Motor Company is a renowned name in the automobile industry of the present world. Toyota manufactures vehicles as well as automobile-related products, such as engines, car air-conditioning compressors and car electronics components. Toyota achieved its success by applying its innovative idea of ‘lean marketing’. The aim of lean marketing is to offer additional values to the end customers (Morrison, 2011). Toyota established Toyota Motors Pvt. Ltd. in the year 1937 in Japan. In the year of 1938, production began in Honsha Pl ant. From 1959, with the initiation of Motamachi plant, the company started focusing on its quality performance that rewarded it Deming Application Prize in the year of 1965. Led by certain mergers and acquisitions, the company always focuses on the quality and comfort of its customers. Toyota Motor Company has diversified its business over the years throughout the world. In 2002, it entered into the domain of Formula One World Championship. It has taken several initiatives with respect to the quality control issues as well as for the environment. It has implemented advanced technology to manage the quality. The company has taken initiative for utilising hydrogen as alternative fuel, providing plug-in vehicles among others. The philosophy of the company is to serve customers at prompt and to satisfy the customers with enhanced quality. Toyota has its own experts to check the quality of the vehicles in various situations in order to ensure the customer safety. Toyota has put emphasis on ‘traffic safety education’ since the 1960s and never intends to compromise on the quality of vehicle. Toyota recommends safety driving lecture sessions in support of drivers as well as ‘traffic safety education’ activities designed for teenagers (Moneycontrol.com, 2007). Toyota fulfils its corporate social responsibilities (CSR) by offering safe and reliable vehicles to its customer. The automobile industry is facing newer challenges day-by-day. There are certain factors for which companies face newer challenges that can create higher demand like globalisation and increasing competition along with others. In addition, there are safety requirements and environmental commitments which have a major influence of Toyota’s operations. In the present context, customers are not satisfied with standardised vehicles; they want their personal requirements to be incorporated by the company in the vehicles that they want to purchase. Thus, Toyota has to take into consideration the needs of customers in commensurate with the quality standards of the vehicle and has to ensure that quality standards do not deter due to the added features. Toyota’s fundamental philosophy depends on five values that assemble its employees towards corporate course of action with the intention to support further development, are indicated in given figure.

Fiscal Policy and Its Implications in Belgium Assignment

Fiscal Policy and Its Implications in Belgium - Assignment Example The government may also choose to increase its own spending and with this, jobs are created, an element that lowers the unemployment rate. Briefly, Fiscal policy is a major driver of the nation’s economic performance. Government spending would include the purchase of goods and services. Since it has the power to lower or rise, real GDP It qualifies to be a fiscal policy tool. The government can influence economic output if it adjusts its spending. Apart from the effect of government spending on the economy, it also affects businesses dealing with goods and services bought by the government thus multiplying through the economy (Moller, 52). The GDP may be stimulated if consumers spend the paychecks they earn from their businesses. When those dealing with government vehicles receive large orders, their sales tend to increase. This makes them hire more employees who in turn earn paychecks from the companies. The employees then spend this money on goods and services thus increasing spending, leading to a much greater result. This effect is called the multiplier effect. The changes that occur in taxes affect the average consumer income, and changes in consumption leading to changes in real GDP. These make it a fiscal policy tool. The government can influence economic output by adjusting taxes. They can be changed in several ways, and these include raising or lowering marginal taxes. Secondly, the tax rules can be modified or eliminated (Modigliani & Johnson 34). These include social security, welfare or unemployment checks. On a monthly basis, the checks go out all over the country thus serving as the income for millions of consumers. As in taxes, changes in transfer payments also leads to changes in consumer income. When consumers spend most of their income, they influence the economic output. These three tools are the ones that the government mostly administers to the economy to help it in the short term.

Visual Merchandising window project for Matchesfashion Essay

Visual Merchandising window project for Matchesfashion - Essay Example The scent inside is fresh and natural together with well-ventilated light ceilings makes it a perfect environment that makes one feel free and comfortable to shop. Matches Fashion Store has a target of fashion ladies together with stylists and models who live in Marylebone. Their VM design is in a way that updates the fashion blogs in a fashion style from a collection of visuals. The VM inside the store brings about the creative environment for the attendants, picture impressions and even pet fittings which make it diversified in meeting the needs of customers together with their pets. The dressing and walking area is spacious enough to allow perfect decoration and styling. Customers get a clear view of the favorite designs as they walk around the shop. Matches Fashion has held different events that seek to advertize it, but they are carefully not to overspend and strain their budget on advertising. Matches Fashion has held advertising done with pageant auditions, using the web and also online promotion with â€Å"face book† and twitter accounts to collect fans and followers respectively. Magazines of Matches Fashion are found in the shop that showcases the shop and its variety of fashions. The focal point is normally found just below the level of the eye slightly away from its center and Matches Fashion have its display windows raised meaning the eye level will be lower. The accessories here fall below giving a perfect display of the store. Just from the other side of the street, an individual can have a vivid view of the shop on the other side from a deflection angle which allows one to look into the shop. In the window; Matches Fashion has slid fragmented glass windows, the walls and pillars are made of bricks. They are well balanced on each side that creates attention and makes the eyes explore. The accessories section is placed forward for easy access and testing. The design of the windows and the

Evaluation of General Plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Evaluation of General Plan - Essay Example Every country and city should adopt this practice to steer its efforts in a developing direction. General plan has various components that need to be given a balanced focus and allocation of resources in order of priorities. These components mainly include land use, air pollution, preservation of resources, noise pollution, housing, public recreational activities, health and safety measures and transportation infrastructure. Attention given to each element largely depends upon the population growth, trends and projections which guide the extent of need for development of some elements to cater the growing population. The dynamics of general plan aid the government to be prepared for upcoming changes and expected as well as unpredictable circumstances in future. City of Los Angeles has a diversified habitat comprising people of various different races, languages and cultures and various natural aspects such as mountains, lakes, swamps and coastal areas. The city has a dedicated department of city planning whose primary focus lies on preparing, developing and implementing the city’s general plan which is reviewed and approved by City Planning Commission and adopted by City Council. We study in detail the transportation component of general plan framework as provided by the city of Los Angeles ( Port of Los Angeles). The city government has developed a detailed framework for its element of transportation and has in place a professional team and high quality policies for implementation of these elements. It builds over this component on need basis through the projected population growth rate and estimates the funding required improving transportation arrangements. Their primary aim is to facilitate the mobility of everyday activities in commercial areas, capital and industrial areas and necessity traveling. This in turn requires traffic management tactics, improved roads, new bridges, tunnels and other infrastructure

Taran Swan At Nickelodeon Latin America Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Taran Swan At Nickelodeon Latin America - Essay Example The essay "Taran Swan At Nickelodeon Latin America" discusses the mass media, and television and its great impact on the development of children. Twelve years ago, Taran Swan explored the possible opportunities for penetration into Latin America media market. She found that the market did not look promising, because â€Å"Latin America was a volatile market, subject to frequent currency fluctuations and devaluations, and the cable industry infrastructure was in its infancy†. She saw no opportunities to develop Nickelodeon in Latin America but for four months experience in Germany where she worked around the clock being involved in all aspects of TV programming decisions. She understood that â€Å"in international markets, even key decisions had to be made with minimal information†. Taran Swan understood that children who watch television are not only entertained but assume, consciously or unconsciously, they are learning more about the world they live in, who they are in that world and how they should behave. She has everything – ideas, enthusiasm, desire, hope to modify and reconstruct the channel, but for money. Taran Swan had found that â€Å"for kids in Latin America there was nothing on TV except for the same old cartoons. Because it was largely a poorer, developing region, people thought they could put anything on the air, and they did. Nickelodeon was good for kids, gender-neutral, pro-social, and gave kids a voice†. Worldwide there are not enough local, relevant programs that affirm the identity of children.

Primary Goals of RCRA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Primary Goals of RCRA - Essay Example Subtitle D focuses mainly on the state and the local government. This is because these two entities are charged with the responsibility of regulating planning and overseeing the implementation for solid wastes that are not harmful. This waste range from household garbage to nonhazardous industrial solid wastes. On the other hand, elimination of generated waste focuses on the hazardous wastes. According to this manual, it is this subtitle that came up with a federal program which ensured that hazardous wastes in the U.S were properly managed (U.S Environmental Protection Agency 1990) According to Luther, in the 1980, just a month before the hazardous waste regulation was passed, the RCRA was debated by the congress. Later on, a Representative Tom Bevill introduced an amendment to the solid Waste Disposal Act. This required that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) bring to halt the obligation of the toxic waste regulatory constraints for fossil fuel combustion waste until collected data regarding potential dangers it posed on human health could be analyzed. The amendments passed in October 1980 excluded a number of wastes from subtitle C. She has it that, the wastes included refuse from the combustion of coal, solid wastes from the mining and dispensation of mineral resources and minerals, and cement dust. Luther further says that RCRA subtitle D manages wastes effectively and is opted for by many states and industrial organizations. States are able to regulate wastes easily (Luther 2010) In a nutshell, the RCRA oversaw the proper management of the environment in the U.S. It ensured that human health was not tampered with in any way. Organization of the Act into subtitles also ensured that generation of wastes was eliminated. Lastly, it ensured that wastes provided an important resource for the production of

Marty King Essay Example for Free

Marty King Essay Erik Erikson had numerous contributions to the field of psychology; many of which involved his developmental theory. Erikson has been compared to Sigmund Freud; as both men believed that humans develop in stages. Erikson however, believed Freud to be misguided, as Erikson believed that developmental process is one which occurs throughout one’s lifespan; whereas Freud believed that a human’s personality developed by the age of five (Chen, 2007). Erikson published numerous books on human development; as well as issues including the generation gap, changing sexual roles and racial tensions. This quantitative research paper however, discusses Erikson’s eight stages of development and how each stage correlates with symptoms of borderline personality disorder. Each of Erikson’s eight developmental stages consists of certain elements (crises), which if not resolved will result in negative outcomes. The researcher believes that when crises are not resolved within Erikson’s developmental stages, it predisposes individuals to borderline personality disorder. In order to prove this hypothesis, the researcher will conduct quantitative research on the causes and symptoms of borderline personality disorder and the negative outcomes of Erikson’s eight developmental stages; the phenomenological research will then be compared. Borderline personality disorder has been widely studied over the past several decades; however, there is limited research on what childhood (birth to age eighteen) attributes contribute to the onset of BPD. Approximately two percent (up to ten million) of adults in the U. S. are diagnosed with BPD; accounting for twenty percent of psychiatric hospitalizations (NIMH, 2008); many cases of BPD go undiagnosed. Genetic factors have been primarily studied in the past as the biological cause of BPD; however recent research shows that forty to seventy-one percent of BPD patients were sexually abused as children (NIMH, 2008), approximately seventy-three percent report physical abuse and emotional abuse and neglect are also commonly reported in BPD cases. These statistics indicate that there is reason to believe that childhood trauma could significantly predispose a person to BPD. While research as to the possible causes of BPD has been conducted, the researcher proposes that a quantitative study be conducted in order to collect phenomenological data from various studies, for comparison to Erikson’s eight stages of development. The reason for this strategy is that by comparing the results of numerous studies, the researcher can produce â€Å"the bigger picture†, of what predisposes individuals to BPD; thus increasing the probability of successful recovery. The researcher chose Erikson’s eight developmental stages as model for comparison because the eight crises depicted in this model demonstrate the traumas indicated in many BPD cases. When the eight crises are not resolved, the results correlate with BPD symptoms. The researcher aims to prove that individuals who do not resolve the eight negative crises of Erikson’s developmental model; thus suffering some form of childhood trauma, are predisposed to BPD as adults. As mentioned previously, the information proving this hypothesis can be used to improve treatment options for BDP patients. The researcher for this study would like to see a reduction in hospitalization as a treatment for BPD patients; and instead implement alternative methods, such as assisting patients through Erikson’s eight stages. Assisting patients through the eight stages will allow them to re-learn emotional skills and abilities; such as coping skills. The researcher’s professional background in BPD clinical work has allowed significant insight into the difficulties of BPD treatment. Due to the immense amount of physical and emotional energy needed to work with BPD patients; many professionals tend to provide affirmation of the history of failure and poor coping skills by treating the patient with sympathy instead of empathy. The researcher believes that understanding the reasoning behind BPD patient behavior will improve the patient’s ability to improve poor coping skills. This change in professional behavior will reduce the feelings of being burnt out and tired because the professional will be able to support the success of the patient instead of doing the work for them. Currently, there is an attitudinal barrier between the professional and the patient which results in a failure to understand the condition of BPD. The researcher hopes to promote an understanding of BPD patient behavior; behaviors which many clinical professionals find exasperating. In increasing understanding of the development of BPD behaviors, clinicians will be better equipped to work with patients in an inclusive partnership rather than feeling they are exceeding appropriate boundaries. Literature Review Erikson’s Eights Stages of Development The â€Å"Eight Stages of Development†, the process of socialization, were developed by Erik Erikson in 1956 (Child Institute Center, n. d. ). Erikson had extensive experience in psychotherapy; including children and teens of all social classes. Erikson believed that each stage presented a â€Å"psychosocial crisis† in which an individual must experience, learn and resolve in order to successfully manage the next step. Erikson’s eight stages are represented in Figure 1. The eight stages are based on the â€Å"interaction of three different systems: the Somatic system, the ego system, and the societal system† (Keenan, p. 22, 2002). The somatic system refers to the biological processes of human functioning. The ego system are the central thinking and reasoning processes (2002); and the societal system is the process an individual goes through as he becomes integrated into his society. Erikson believed that the eight stages occurred in order and each stage represented a crisis which had to be resolved by the individual. Whether the crisis was completed successfully or not would be the deciding factor on how successful the next stage would be. If the crisis was not mastered, then the individual would be ill prepared to deal with the next stage of development; this trend would continue throughout all the stages. Erikson did believe that the eight stages were relevant throughout life and that he linked a crisis to each stage because that is when the crisis was most salient (Cohen, 2007). Oral-Sensory Stage. In this first stage (trust/mistrust), the first year of life is defined as the time for building trust; this is accomplished by the infant learning trust through the parent or caregiver’s actions and responses to the infant’s needs. Feeding is the focal point of Erikson’s first stage; when the child cries for food, the parent will feed and comfort the infant. If the child is neglected, he will learn to be mistrustful. Erikson also believed if trust was not established in the first stage, the child could become â€Å"frustrated, withdrawn, suspicious, and will lack self-confidence† (Sharkey, 1997). Muscular-Anal Stage. The second stage (autonomy/doubt) consists of ages one through two years old. During this stage the child is face with the development of self-control which is accomplished by a supportive atmosphere. If basic trust was not developed in stage one, the child will have difficulty in establishing self control in stage two, resulting in a lack of self-esteem (Sharkey, 1997). If the parent is too controlling, or does not provide enough structure the child can become doubtful of himself and the environment around him.

The pakistani community in the United Kingdom

The pakistani community in the United Kingdom Ali (1982) Pakistanis main concentration is in U.K. where they began in the early 20th century as sailors in the Merchant Navy and soldiers in the British army. They had an opportunity to migrate in large numbers following the economic expansion and shortage of labour resulting from the two world wars. However, their migration did not have a set pattern up until the last half of the 1950s. (p. 5-7) Post world war two migration to Britain from the Asian subcontinent was based on imperial ties and largely driven by economic imperatives. Rebuilding post war economy entailed a demand for labour that could not be satisfied by the British population itself. After 1945, virtually all countries in Western Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad and by the late 1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Middle East (Massey, D. et.al , 1993, p. 431). Islam in the UK has a South Asian character. The largest number of Muslims originates from Pakistan (Samad Sen, p.43). Further to this, the largest group of Muslims from the Indian subcontinent have come from Pakistan, both West and East (Ibid.) In Pakistan, major impetuses to emigrate came from the poorer agricultural areas of the Mirpuri district in southern Kashmir and the Cambellpur district of the north-eastern Punjab. Smaller numbers left from the North-west Fron tier Province next to the Afghani border. In the case of Mirpur, a further factor was the disruption caused by the Mangla Dam project which started in 1960, and was ultimately to flood about 250 villages. In East Pakistan, which was later to become Bangladesh, the two main sources of immigration were in the Sylhet district in the north-east and the maritime region around Chittagong. Due to the struggles of a newly developed state and poverty, many Pakistanis took the opportunity to come and work in Britain. (Neilsen, 2004, p. 41) Before 1962, Pakistanis were British subjects (under the 1948 British Nationality Act) and could enter Britain without restriction. There was a dramatic increase in the rate of immigration just before the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962  [1]  was passed. Before the act of 1962 was passed about fifty thousand people entered Britain within 18 months, in comparison the 17,000 who entered between 1955 and 1960 (Shaw, 1998: 25). The threat of Britains immigration controls also coincided with a change in the Pakistani Governments policy on immigration. In 1961, when the 1962 Common wealth Act was imminent, Pakistani government withdrew restrictions on immigration and promoted the migration of 5,000 people in a move to compensate Mirpuri villagers who had been dispossessed of land by the construction of the dam (Shaw, 1998: 25). Until the beginning of the 1960s, entry into the UK by the citizens of British colonies and member countries of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, introduced restrictions on immigration to the UK. Although it was intended to discourage Pakistanis and people from Commonwealth countries from migrating to the country, it turned out to have the opposite effect. The unintended effect of the 1971 Immigration Act  [2]  was that a significant number of Pakistanis and from the other countries entered the UK to beat the ban (Shaw, 1994, as quoted in Samad Sen, 2007, p. 28). 1970s family reunification marked a turning point for the establishment of Islam in Europe. Along with emergence of community through family reunification, some of the conventional norms rooted in social relations, through the practice of Islam began to emerge (Ibid., p.38) These labour migrants despite their social origins and qualification levels were largely confined to low-paid manual work and faces racial discrimination when being recruited for jobs (Modood, 2005, p. 60). In the 1970s Ethnic minorities were branded as scroungers and the threat of overcrowding was becoming a grave concern. Enoch Powell, in 1967, openly advocated a policy of repatriation where he argued not for migrants; families to be reunited in Britain but rather that migrants should be returned home and reunited with families over there (Jones and Wellhengama, 2000: 16). Further to this, by emphasising that Britishness comprises common biological roots, a common language and an allegiance to the Crown; parliamentarians easily excluded certain migrants (Ibid, p. 31). With the consequences of state led policies of migration, and arrival and settlement of a growing Pakistani community, emerged socio-economic problems that this new community had to face. The next part of the essay will discuss the various ways in which the British Pakistanis are disadvantaged and ways in which they responded to the underlying and changing political, social and economic conditions in Britain. While the disadvantage of Pakistanis actually predates the rise of anti-Muslim prejudice, the latter threatens to exacerbate the former and to prevent the formation of goodwill required to act against the chronic disadvantage of Pakistanis in Britain. (Modood, 2005, p. 80) As the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45) illustrates, Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Chain migration processes have a strong influence on locating minorities in clusters. Hostility from the society within which the settlement takes place can reduce the ability of the group to disperse and defence may be an important element in clustering. There are both positive and negative reasons for clustering in most ethnic clustering patterns and, given their simultaneous presence in many situations, it is difficult to disentangle dominant from recessive factors. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that not all segregation results from negative factors such as white racism (Peach, 1996, p. 228) Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. Many of the early Pakistani migrants to Britain have been the most reluctant to attach a British identity to themselves. With the effects of globalisation, Pakistanis are also worried about losing their traditions, customs and values and hence hold onto the security of their close knit society with a hesitance in accepting anything British; (Jacobson, 1997, 185). Pakistani British Muslims have been vastly influenced by cultures and customs emanating from the subcontinent, and this will continue to happen for another generation or two. The context within which they practice their religion is after all, Pakistani one: not only because they younger generation learned about Islam from their Pakistani parents but also because Pakistanis are the dominant group within the local Muslim community. They are used to hearing Urdu spoken in mosque, eating Pakistani food and wearing Pakistani clothes at religious festivals, follow Pakistani customs at weddings and other religiousceremonies and abide by and rail against definitions of moral behaviour which have more to do with the norms of Pakistani village life. For them the interconnections between ethnic culture and religion are dense and intricate (Jacobson, J. 2003, p. 147) V.S. Khan (1979), writing on Mirpuris in Bradford, discusses the effect of migration on those arriving in Britain and ways in which this shapes their socio-cultural behavior. He maintains that the very means of coping with migration could lead to inherent stresses, in that the knowledge of traditional culture in the homeland, constant evaluation through the process of migration to Britain and prior expectations have a direct affect on the migrants life-style and values. The stressful experience of migration is alsoa crucial determinant of a migrants perception of his situation, and the actual options open to him. While many of the supportive institutions of village life buffer confrontation with the new and alien world in Britain, in the long term they not only restrict access to it, but also hinder the attainment of things valued (Ibid. p. 55) Werbner discusses similar factors: the social stresses experienced by Pakistani migrants in Britain derive from three main `arenas; the traditional culture and emigration area; the migration process; and settlement in the new environment and society (1990: 37). Her analysis however, presents a more positive view of the adaptability of Pakistanis to new circumstances, in particular to those concerning women, and regarding the expansion of kinship networks to inculcate friends and members of other sub-castes. (Imtiaz, 1997, p. 36) Significance of Bradford: The Bradford Metropolitan District is situated west of Leeds; north of the trans- Pennine highway. To the north and east lies North Yorkshire, with its manor houses, farms and cathedral cities, while to the west and north lies the Lake District. The city has been the centre of the wool trade since the 18th century and, until recently, wool dominated the local economy. Even the engineering and chemical industries were associated with the wool trade by supplying the needs of the textile industry. Throughout the 19th century it was mainly a working class city structured around a low wage economy. The global networks, stretching out to the colonies, in particular, were constructed around importing wool and reprocessing it for export. These networks persisted into the mid-twentieth century (Samad Eade, Community Laison Unit) Although Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford still has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region) (Din, 2006). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well such places as Tower Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born outside the European Union (National Census, 2001). The majority of Muslims in Bradford have roots in rural areas, with a large majority of Pakistanis from Mirpur in Azad Kashmir, a mountainous region and one of the least northern areas of Pakistan. This Pakistani community has a growing underclass with a significant section of young men under achieving in schools. They are generally characterised by low educational qualifications and occupational concentrations in restaurants and taxi driving. Along with low participation of women in the formal labour market and marriage at an early age, fewer years of education, lower educational skills and large average family and household size contributes to multiple deprivations (Lewis, 2007). Bradford has a rich religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. With a range of ethnic communities, it is predominantly Muslim (16.1 per cent) and largely of Pakistani origin with 14.5 percent of the total population of the city (National Statistics, 2003 as quoted in Gilligan, 2005). The Pakistani communities are very much concentrated in the inner wards of the city, where they tend to live amidst a relatively self-contained world of businesses and institutions, religious and cultural, which they have created to service, their specific needs (Lewis, 2002, p. 203.) Compared to other majority white communities, Bradfords Asian population is relatively young (National Statistics, 2003). They also tend to be located in areas facing relatively high levels of deprivation and disadvantage (DETR, 2000; Cantle, 2001; Denham, 2001 as quoted in Gilligan Akhtar, 2005). According to the Change Institutes report on the Pakistani Muslim Community in England, (2009) currently Bradford has the largest proportion of its total population (15%) identifying itself as of Pakistani origin in England. The report suggests that the latest estimates (from Bradford Metropolitan District Council) have indicated that the South Asian population has grown considerably over the last decade to 94,250, and that the people of Pakistani/Kashmiri origin number about 73,900. It further states that the South Asian population now represents about 19 per cent of the total population of Bradford and 16 per cent of Bradfords residents are Muslims, compared to the national average of 3 per cent. Therefore, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis (young and old) have an attachment to Bradford. For many older Pakistanis, who arrived in the late 1950s and early 60s, Bradford is Mirpur is their home from home. For the young generations of Pakistanis it is their home (Din, 2006) Studies on Mirpuris: Much of the literature on Pakistanis in Britain, particularly from the late 1970s up to the late 1980s, tends to be based on studies of communities in particular towns, such as Anwar (1979) on Rochdale, Currer (1983) on Bradford, Jeffrey (1979) on Bristol, Shaw (1988) on Oxford, and Werbner (1985 1990) on Manchester. A number of studies have explored the extent of Asian (or Pakistani) migration and settlement across various geographical towns and cities (see Khan, 1974, 1979; Anwar, 1979; Shaw, 1988, 1994; Werbner, 1990). Some have had a particular focus on employment and housing issues (in particular Dahya, 1974; Werbner and Anwar, 1991; Anwar, 1991). Measuring the economic position of communities is easier to determine; what is more difficult is to examine the experiences and attitudes of young people towards their parents/elders; their community and the wider British society. There is an enormous amount of published work on the early immigrants (Rose et al, 1969; Dahya, 1974; Khan 1979). Rose et al (1969) is a good starting point for cultural studies relating to the Pakistani community. Rose explored issues such as the need to recruit labour immigrants to meet the needs of the British economy and the settlement process of the early immigrants in textile cities like Bradford. In addition he explored the problems encountered, such as obtaining suitable accommodation, access to public services, integration and the problems of adapting to a very different way of life. The experiences of families of early settlers joining their husbands in the United Kingdom have also, to an extent, been explored. This shows close-knit family ties which exist in Pakistani families, arranged marriages, biraderi and gender inequalities in Pakistani households (Khan, 1979). One of the earliest writers on Pakistanis in England is Dahya (1973 1974), who began his research in Birmingham and Bradford in 1956 and continued to publish into the 1980s. He remains amongst a hand full of researchers who have endeavoured to describe daily life amongst the single, male migrants and the control exercised over them by heads of families back in Pakistan. He clearly explained the nature of the links between the migrants in England and the social structures operating in Pakistan, based on the need for the migrant, whose family has sent him abroad in order for him to send back remittances and thus benefit not only immediate relatives but also the whole of the biraderi or kinship group. He concludes that: the Pakistani migrant community is in a very real sense a transitional society going through the phase of development from a rural to an urban industrial society (1973: p, 275). Today, with the constant movement between the villages of origin of Pakistani migrants and their places of inhabitancy in Britain, paving way for a constant, rapid social and economic change in both societies, his conclusion tends to be within a situational context of a time, when both were much more separate than they are today. Jamal (1998) carried out a research to explore food consumption experiences the British-Pakistanis in Bradford, UK and the ways the British Pakistanis perceive their food, and their perception of English food in the UK. He identified that the first generation of British-Pakistanis perceive their own food to be traditional, tasty but oily and problematic. Various English foods are perceived by them as foreign, bland, but nonetheless, healthy. The young generation of British-Pakistanis are increasingly consuming mainstream English foods while also consuming traditional Pakistani food. Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. According to the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45), Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Recent study by Bolgnani (2007) highlights forms of homeland attachment and analyses their significance among second- and third-generation British Pakistanis by comparison with the myth of return that characterised the early pioneer phase of Pakistani migration to Britain. He highlights that Homeland attachment for young British Pakistanis is constituted through school holidays spent in Pakistan, participation there in life-cycle rituals involving the wider kinship network, and the older generations promotion of the idea of Pakistan as a spiritual and cultural homeland. It further suggests that, for the pioneer generation, the myth of return justified a socio-economically motivated migration. He further argues that for the second and third generations, the homeland attachments and the idea of a possible return to Pakistan is a response to contemporary political tensions and Islamophobia. Therefore, he concludes that while myth of return still remains, for the majority, that myth has been revitalised and has a new political significance in the contemporary political context of British Pakistanis. However, another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Marriages: The governing principle of marital choice in any community is homogamy the selection of a partner from a similar social background shaped, for example, by race, class, ethnicity, religion, age and education, thus those who do not conform to these norms, in some circumstances, suffer sanctions, ranging from disapproval to ostracism (Bradford Commission Report 1996). For Pakistanis, the life-cycle with weddings, births and funerals is particularly lived in a shared way by the family extended and split over two continents, Europe and Asia. Adults make return trips for various reasons, but most centrally to arrange or perform a childs marriage (Ballard 1987, p. 21; Shaw 2001, p. 319-325). Among British Pakistanis marriage is not only within the same ethnic group, but consanguineous-arranged with relatives-according to clan as well as caste systems. In a complex context of ethnicity and caste, marriage is often seen as the chosen mechanism to consolidate biradari  [3]  loyalties. Furthermore, due to chain migration, stronger village and kin networks were created, that were later reinforced by transnational arranged marriages, often with cousins from the same area or village. Pakistanis, like many other groups, consider it an important parental responsibility to find spouses for their children. They prefer to select someone they know well, to be sure that he or she has the qualities they appreciate and will make a caring partner. However, Khan (1977) argues in his research that ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis, face two problems namely the limited availability of suitable persons in the restricted local community, and another the fact that their circle of acquaintance in the country of origin tends to shrink within the limits of the extended family. Therefore, for groups with a tradition of consanguineous marriage, it is only natural for the choice of partner to fall progressively closer within the family circle. This argument is supported by Rao Inbaraj (1979) who give evidence to support this view from South India, arguing that for South Asians monogamous, close consanguineous marriage has been practised for thousands of years. Moreover, Bano (1991) discussed the upward social mobility through the institution of marriage amongst British Pakistanis, which she sees as being marked in the Netherlands in comparison to Pakistan. She described the practice of cousin marriages explaining their common prevalence amongst relatively wealthy, rural, as well as landowning families. She then discusses the extension of cousin marriage (Ibid. p.15), proposing that it could include partners being chosen from distant family, or from the same religious tendency, or from the parents close business contacts. According to a research conducted by Overall and Nichols (2001), the U.K. Asian population, particularly within the Pakistani communities, tends to have high levels of consanguineous unions which are correlated with high rates of morbidity and mortality (Darr and Modell 1988; Terry et al. 1985; Bundey et al. 1991 as quoted in Overall Nickols, 2001). It is not unusual to observe a proportion of first-cousin marriages of around 50% (Darr and Modell 1988). Modood et al. argue that the Asian older generation prefers marriages to be arranged by families within the clan or extended family and that love marriages were not the most appropriate way of finding a life-partner. The most frequent argument supporting this view was that love marriages are equated with high levels of divorce. Arranged marriages are seen as diminishing the likelihood of divorce because the partners are chosen for their compatibility and suitable family backgrounds (Modood et al. 1997). According to most researchers there is a continuing prevalence for high rates of intercontinental and intra-caste marriages (over 50%) between British Pakistani spouses and brides or grooms in Pakistan (Charsley, 2003; Shaw, 2001). It is suggested that the pressure for such marriages is apparently exerted by close relatives in Pakistan who use marriage as a route for their children to migrate legally to Britain. According to recent research, however, the spouses marrying into Britain often suffer isolation, and have poor employment prospects (Charsley, 2003). Furthermore, most Pakistani children are compliant and agree, however reluctantly, to cousin and intercontinental marriages (Jacobson, 1998). The Home Office statistics show an influx of 15,000 prospective marriage partners (male and female) from the Indian sub-continent arriving in Britain in 2001 alone, the vast majority arranged by parents for their British-born children (Werbner, 2005). Charsley (2003) reports that, in 2000, there were 10,000 people both men and women, who married into Braitian. Werbner (2005) explains this phenomenon by arguing that Islam permits marriage with a wide range of close kin and affines, and according to recent researches, the majority of Pakistani marriages continue to take place within the biradari; a local agnatic lineage and, more widely, an ego-focused kindred of traceable affines and consanguineous kin. She argues that this notion of biradari helps mediate between kinship, locality and zat (caste), and that such biradaris are ranked and reflect class and caste status in the Pakistani society (Werbner, 2005). Darr and Modell (1988) conducted a research that carried inculcated an enquiry answered by 100 randomly selected British Pakistani mothers in the postnatal wards of two hospitals in West Yorkshire, Bradford, showed that 55 were married to their first cousins, while only 33 cases had individuals whether their mother had been married to her first cousin. Darr and Modell argued that there results indicated an increasing rate of consanguineous marriage in the relatively small group studied, contrasting with the decreasing rate which was observed in some other countries. They had enquired 900 women in hospitals in Lahore, Pakistan, in 1983 showing 36% first cousin marriages, 4% first cousin once removed, 8% second cousin, and 53% unrelated (of which 25% were in the Biraderi (same kinship). These figures are almost identical with those reported in Britain for the grand parental generation (who were married while they were in Pakistan), and supported their conclusion that the frequency of c lose consanguineous marriage was increasing among British Pakistanis (p. 189). According to another research by Modell (1991) both in Pakistan and the UK about 75% of marriages are between relatives, but the frequency of closely consanguineous marriage has increased with migration, about 55% of couples of reproductive age in England being married to a first cousin. In many cases the relationship is closer than first cousins because of previous consanguineous marriages in the family. The proportion of cousin marriages is likely to fall but the absolute number will increase, at least for the next generation, because the population is growing. According to the results of a study by Alam Husband (2006), Muslims comprise the UKs largest religious minority, and are the object of analysis and concern within various policy arenas and popular debates, including immigration, marriage and partner selection, social cohesion and integration. Their research analysed experiences and narratives from 25 men aged 16 to 38, their accounts shedding light on what it means to be a Bradfordian of Pakistani and Muslim heritage. It also highlighted the policy context surrounding the mens attitudes toward various facets of their lives, including marriage, family, work, the city in general, and the neighbourhood in which they lived. Alam Husband concluded that although there were some generational continuity of cultural values and norms, several significant changes were also simultaneously taking place. Shaw (2001) began his study by supposing that in the 1990s, forty years after Pakistani migration to Britain began, the rate of consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis would show signs of decline, as the urbanized and British-educated descendants of pioneer immigrants adopt the values of many contemporary Westerners and reject arranged marriages. However, on the contrary based on the statistical data he gathered, he saw that Pakistani marriage patterns showed no such clear trend, and instead there was some evidence that, within certain groups of British Pakistanis, the rate of first-cousin marriage had increased rather than declined. The study offered an analysis and interpretation of a high rate of marriage to relatives, especially first cousins, in a sample of second-generation British Pakistanis. It argued that the high rate of such marriage is not a simple reflection of a cultural preference. The research also underlines the inadequacy of a blanket category Pakistani in relation to marriage patterns and choices. Shaw suggested that certain variations in region of origin, caste, socio-economic status, and upbringing must be considered in analysis in order to reveal the processes that have generated this pattern and allowed it to persist. Simpson (1997) claims that in Bradford 50 per cent of marriages are trans-continental, i.e. the partner sare from Pakistan. He has proposed two reasons that help explain the reasons for choosing partners from outside Britain, and has analysed the ways these reasons operate independently or may reinforce each other. Firstly, there is a cultural preference for consanguinity, usually marriage to a cousin, which is prevalent among the Pakistani community. As Sarah Bundey et al. (1990) showed in her research that 69 per cent of Birmingham Pakistani marriages are consanguineous and it is expected that if current researchers were carried out they will show similar levels in Bradford, considerably higher than in Pakistan itself. Simpson (1997) further argues that since emigration from Pakistan to Britain is usually seen as a positive achievement, marriage also functions specifically to fulfil a commitment to improve the family fortunes. He gives the second reason that many Muslim young peopl e in Bradford express a cultural preference for partners with traditional values and that sentiment is echoed by their parents who then arrange or help to arrange their marriage partners from Pakistan. Simpson nevertheless points out that, this trend should not be seen as simply a preference for subservient wives albeit this may be true for some. He further points out that there is qualitative evidence that some young Muslim women see men with traditional values from Pakistan as providing a more secure family future than the more liberal friends with whom they have grown up in Bradford. This Simpson points out may coincide both with the strong Muslim and the strong Pakistani identities that are noted among Bradford young women, based on researchers by Kim Knott and Sajda Khokher (1993) and by Kauser Mirza (1989). Modood and Berthoud (1997) carried out a research to show that among ethnic minority groups 20 per cent of African-Caribbeans

Supply Demand And The Market For Drugs Economics Essay

Supply Demand And The Market For Drugs Economics Essay Supply-side initiatives are actions meant to cut or reduce the supply by preventing drugs from entering the country. A supply reduction, unless it totally eliminates the flow of drugs into the market, works by raising price so that consumption is cut. A decrease in supply, without a change in demand, will result in a new market equilibrium where the market price is higher , but the quantity of drugs bought and sold is lower. However, the critical factor that determines the magnitude of the changes in price and quantity is the elasticity of demand. Two concerns have emerged with regard to drug supply restriction in the context of an price-inelastic demand. First, it has been observed that lower-income addicts who cannot substitute away from the drug after the price increase tend to resort to minor crimes to support their habit. Second, addicts who have to reduce purchases tend to adopt the faster, but riskier, route of inducing euphoria by injecting the drug. A policy-maker must be aware of these potential consequences. Clearly, therefore, if both supply-side and demand-side initiatives are costless, well conceived demand reduction efforts (i.e., schemes to prevent drug abuse by the young through prevention, education, rehabilitation of existing drug users) promise an unambiguously positive outcome relative to effective supply restrictions where there may be an offsetting expenditure effect arising out of the price increase (i.e, when the demand for drugs is inelastic, 0 > ÃŽÂ µ > -1, D2: , or perfectly elastic, ÃŽÂ µ=0, D1: y=1000). As shown in panel (a) in Figure 1, a vertical demand curve is perfectly inelastic at every price. If the price goes up, the quantity demanded is unchanged (), so the elasticity of demand must be zero: ( A demand curve is vertical for essential goods goods that people feel they must have and will pay anything to get. In our case (i.e., drug addicts), the demand curve for drugs could be vertical at a days dose, Q*=1000. More realistically, an individual drug addict may have a demand curve (panel (b), Figure 1) that is perfectly inelastic only at prices below p*, the maximum price he can afford to pay. Because he cannot afford to pay more than p*, he buys nothing at higher prices. As a result, his demand curve is perfectly elastic up to y* doses at a price of p*. In Figure 2, the demand for drugs is shown by the downward-sloping demand curve (D2) to reflect the negative relationship between price and the quantity demanded. It has been drawn with a steep slope because it is commonly held that addiction suggests price inelasticity in the demand for drugs, If true, it implies that an increase in price will be accompanied by a less-than-proportionate decrease in the quantity demanded. The supply curve (S), on the other hand, mirrors the behaviour of drug suppliers. It is drawn with a positive slope since higher prices will attract larger quantities from suppliers and vice versa. Moreover, the value of the elasticity coefficient (È  >1) suggests that the supply is price elastic; small increases in the price of drugs are thought to draw a more-than proportionate increase in the quantity supplied. As shown in both Figure 1 (panel a) and Figure 2, the initial equilibrium is represented by point e, where price is established at p* and the quantity transacted is y*. For a supply reduction shown by S, the demand reduction must be at least as large as that represented by D2 and D1 in order for price to remain at its original level of p*. This is to ensure that the quantity transacted falls (to y*) without any increase in price. If supply reduction keeps the price high enough (at p*) and long enough to prevent a new generation from falling victim to the habit, demand may fall in the long run and succeed in lowering consumption and drug-related harms. Moreover, the twin benefits of a lower price and lower quantity transacted will only be obtained if demand reduction exceeds supply reduction, as illustrated by point f. Even so, the continued presence of drug sales and use, although at a lower scale, suggests that a drug-free society has not been achieved. However, the evidence everywh ere suggests that this goal remains a dream (Wood et al. 2009). In sum, the net benefit from attempting a pure supply reduction of drugs remains ambiguous if demand is price-inelastic (in our case, D1: y=1000 and D2: ). Thus, by launching simultaneous initiatives on both the supply and demand sides might guarantee an unambiguously positive net result, that is reduce the consumption of drugs. G2: A reduction in the drug-induced criminality à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ Pure Demand-side initiative Demand-side initiatives attempt to reduce the demand for drugs at all prevailing prices or, in purely graphically terms, shift the entire demand curve to the left of its original position. Schemes to prevent drug abuse by the young through prevention, education, rehabilitation of existing drug users, minimisation of relapses among rehabilitated users and controlled and supervised substitution therapy, meant to deprive users away from harmful drugs, constitute some of the commonly used demand reducing measures. As depicted in both Figure 3 and Figure 4 above, starting from the initial equilibrium (e), I assume supply remains unchanged. A successful demand reduction will shift the demand curve leftwards (D2), causing it to intersect with the given supply curve at a lower price (p*). The new lower demand curve, D2, intersects with the original supply curve (S), resulting in a lower price (p*) and a lower quantity bought and sold (y*). The total expenditure on drugs is reduced as well, providing less incentives for drug-induced criminality or drug substitutions. The elasticity of supply now determines the relative magnitude of the movement in price and quantity. The more elastic (inelastic) the supply, the smaller (larger) the decline in price and the larger (smaller) the decline in consumption (i.e, drug-induced criminality) induced by a given demand reduction. Nevertheless, both variables move in the same direction. G3: A reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢Demand-side and/or Supply-side initiatives In the case of an inelastic demand and a elastic supply, the options for achieving a drug-free society are illustrated in Figure 5 above. Point e, as before, represents the equilibrium price and quantity before the anti-drug campaign. A purely demand-reduction effort to reduce drug trade (and consumption) to zero requires a big reduction in demand in order to shift the demand leftward to a point like f, where the lower demand curve (D2) intersects with the existing supply curve (S) and yields a street price (p*) that is so low that it is no longer profitable to supply drugs at all. In other words, the drug trade is wiped out due to insufficient demand. Alternatively, a purely supply reduction initiative to eradicate both the drug trade and consumption requires a substantial supply shift leftwards to a point like g, which yields a price so high (p*) as to make the drugs beyond the reach of buyers. Finally, a simultaneous shift leftward of both the demand and supply curves (arising from very effective supply and demand reduction initiatives) could, theoretically, see the reduction of the drug trade and consumption (and respectively a reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs) at a price level that lies between the two extreme limits of p* and p*. Such a situation is shown by point h, where the highest price offered by the drug user (p*) is just below the threshold price (p*) considered profitable by the supplier. Moreover, the three options from above could be applied as well in the case of a perfectly inelastic demand in order to reduce the drug trade (and consumption) and respectively, to reduce the emergence of organized crime connected with the illegal sale of drugs. However, the drug-free society cannot be achieved (Figure 6). To summarise, price elasticities of demand and supply play a key role in determining the magnitudes of change in price and quantity induced by supply-side and demand-side initiatives. As noted, a pure supply reduction lowers consumption but increases price and, unless demand is very price-elastic, the reduction in consumption will be small but the total expenditure on drugs will increase considerably. On the other hand, a pure demand reduction lowers both price and quantity, with supply elasticity determining the relative size of the decline in both variables (additionally, consumption and expenditures on consumption will also be lower relative to the original level). In addition, whether an extreme objective of taking both demand-side and supply side initiatives is worth pursuing will depend upon how much it costs society to do so. If large shifts in demand and supply can be achieved at relatively low cost, a drug-free society is indeed a noble goal. b) The interpretations given to G1, G2 and G3 above looked at supply and demand shifts, ignoring costs. In deciding on an optimal policy, defined as one that maximises social welfare, costs become very important and must be weighed against the expected benefits. To be more precise, social costs must be weighed against the social benefits expected from a chosen policy option. P1: Increased punishment and/or increased probability of getting caught for drug-pushers To the extent that drug consumption transmits a negative externality, the social marginal benefit (SMB) from drug use must lie below the private marginal benefit (PMB), as reflected by market demand curve (D2, and D1 respectively) in Figure 7 and Figure 8 below. Assuming no externalities on the supply side, the market supply curve (S) reflects the cost of producing and distributing drugs. In a market without restrictions on drug supply or demand, the level of drug consumption (y*) will exceed the socially optimum level (y*). Enforcement on the supply side (i.e., increased punishment and/or increased probability of getting caught for drug-pushers) will reduce the market supply (shift the curve leftwards to SE), raise the price to p* and reduce drug consumption to the socially optimal level of y*. The after-enforcement supply curve will now incorporate the additional costs incurred by illegal suppliers to avoid detection and punishment (area abcd in Figure 7 and Figure 8). If demand is inelastic (D2 in Figure 7), the reduction in drug consumption will be small and the gain in social welfare from avoiding the negative externality associated with drug use will also be small. This gain is shown by the shaded area marked def (Figure 7). It is clear that these additional costs (area abcd) exceed the additional gain from reducing consumption (area def). However, by reducing consumption to y* via supply enforcement, society avoids the net loss shown by the def area. If demand is perfectly inelastic (D1 in Figure 8), despite the reduced consumption induced by the higher price (from p* to p*; since an individual drug addict cannot afford to pay more than p*, he buys nothing at higher prices, p*) due to a supply enforcement, total expenditure on consuming drugs will increase (area abce). This increased spending by persistent users translates directly into higher revenues for drug suppliers who remain in business. Hence, if the demand is inelastic (D2), or perfectly inelastic (D1), the total spending on drug consumption and the total resources committed to supplying drugs will increase. Thus, supply reduction under these circumstances has the unintended effect of drawing more of societys resources into an activity (illegal sale of drugs) that is being discouraged. Moreover, the impact of supply enforcement is also influenced by the price elasticity of supply; in general, the lower (higher) the supply elasticity, the smaller (larger) the effect of a given increase in enforcement in raising price and lowering consumption. Thus, the lower (higher) the price elasticity of supply, the greater (smaller) the enforcement costs and the likelihood of reducing the net social gain. In sum, if the demand for drugs is inelastic (D2) or perfectly inelastic (D1), supply enforcement may not be an efficient method of achieving the optimum level of consumption. This is because the cost of additional resources committed by the society (i.e., the additional expenditures by drug dealers plus the costs of supply enforcement) towards achieving this end will far exceed the benefits to the society. P2: Legalize the sale of drugs The effect of a supply restriction can be reproduced with a clear improvement in welfare by legalizing drug production and imposing an excise tax to reduce consumption to the optimal level. This is illustrated in both Figure 9 and Figure 10 below. In the case of inelastic demand, (D2 in Figure 9), assuming drug supply is legalized, the pre-intervention price and consumption are shown, as before, by p* and y*, respectively. Consumption can be reduced to the socially optimal level, y*, by imposing an excise tax equal to cd per unit of output. This raises the cost of production and the after-tax supply curve is indicated by ST . The market price of drugs increases to p*, consumption falls to y* and, as in the case of supply enforcement, net social losses (equivalent to def) are avoided. However, in contrast to supply enforcement, the tax extracts resources from the drug industry equal to the value of abcd. The effects of this reduction in resources are borne by both consumers and producers: the former, via a higher price and lower consumption rate, and the latter, by way of lower price and output. The resources are transferred to the government and will (hopefully) fund activities with a higher net social value. Of course, the suppliers and consumers do not necessarily bear the tax burden equally. The more inelastic the demand, the greater is the share of tax borne by the consumers. Similarly, the more inelastic the supply, the greater is the tax share borne by the suppliers. This point is better appreciated by looking at the equivalent estimate of the revenue collected, shown by the area marked p*cdp*. While the tax raises the consumer price from p* to p*, it lowers the unit price received by suppliers from p* to p*. Thus, in this example of inelastic demand, consumers pay a bigger share of the tax (area p*cdp*), relative to suppliers (area p*gdp*). In case of perfectly inelastic demand (D1 in Figure 10), Consumption can be reduced to the socially optimal level, y*, by imposing an excise tax equal to ce per unit of output. This raises the cost of production and the after-tax supply curve is indicated by ST . The market price of drugs increases to p* and consumption falls to y*. However, in contrast to supply enforcement, the tax extracts resources from the drug industry equal to the value of abce. The effects of this reduction in resources are borne by both consumers and producers: the former, via a higher price and lower consumption rate, and the latter, by way of lower price and output. Of course, the suppliers and consumers do not necessarily bear the tax burden equally. This point is better appreciated by looking at the equivalent estimate of the revenue collected, shown by the area marked p*cep*. While the tax raises the consumer price from p* to p*, it maintains the unit price received by suppliers at p*. Thus, in this exa mple of inelastic demand, consumers pay a bigger share of the tax (area p*cdp*), relative to suppliers (area dce). The net increase in welfare under the legalise-and-tax approach is assured because the tax, in effect, internalises the negative externality associated with drug consumption. Furthermore, apart from generating tax revenue, the resources necessary to discourage illegal production and control tax avoiders will be far smaller than the enforcement costs under a regime where all production is illegal. The authorities only have to raise the cost of illegal production above the cost of legal production to discourage the former. Despite the theoretical elegance of this approach, governments hesitate to adopt it because it is seen as morally wrong to legalise drug use, even if the longer-term objective is to restrain consumption more effectively. P3: Distribute drugs for free If the government were to distribute the drugs free (p*=0), the quantity would be y*=1000 when demand is perfectly inelastic (D1), and y*=2000 when the demand is relatively inelastic (D2). As depicted in both Figure 11 and Figure 12 below, starting from the initial equilibrium (e), I assume supply remains unchanged. In Figure 12, a successful demand reduction would be possible only in the case of perfectly inelastic demand curve, (from D1 to D1), causing it to intersect with the given supply curve at a lower price (p*). The new lower demand curve, D2, intersects with the original supply curve (S), resulting in a lower price (p*) and a lower quantity bought and sold (y*). The total expenditure on drugs is reduced as well, providing less incentives for drug-induced criminality or drug substitutions. However, the drug trade (and consumption) could not be reduced to 0. Furthermore, in Figure 11, in the case of inelastic demand (D2), the consumption is more likely to increase than to decrease. The implementation of a policy such as distributing drugs for free, will increase the quantity from y* (equilibrium quantity) to y*=2000 and reduce price from p* (equilibrium price) to p*=0. P4: Decrease the demand for drugs As discussed earlier in the paper regarding policy P1, the social marginal benefit (SMB) from drug use must lie below the private marginal benefit (PMB), as reflected by market demand curve (D2, and D1 respectively) in Figure 13 and Figure 14 above. Assuming no externalities on the supply side, the market supply curve (S) reflects the cost of producing and distributing drugs. In a market without restrictions on drug supply or demand, the level of drug consumption (y*) will exceed the socially optimum level (y*). In both Figure 12 (and Figure 13), persuasion efforts to reduce the demand for drugs are unaffected by the price elasticity of demand. Successful persuasion will result in the original demand curve, D2 (and D1) declining to D0. This will raise the overall social welfare, provided the costs of such efforts are not excessively large and if persuasion itself does not generate a large negative social value. As to sum up, the analysis of the optimal policy-instruments to be implemented on the market for drugs supports the conclusions of the earlier interpretations (G1 to G3): when the impact of a policy on welfare is considered explicitly, demand reduction delivers a clear improvement in outcome whereas supply reduction requires special conditions to do so. c) Goals G1: Reduction in the consumption of drugs G2: A reduction in the drug-induced criminality G3: A reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs Policy-instruments P1: Increased punishment and/or increased probability of getting caught for drug-pushers D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S By launching simultaneous initiatives on both the supply and demand sides might guarantee an unambiguously positive net result, that is reduce the consumption of drugs. If the demand for drugs is inelastic or perfectly inelastic, supply enforcement may not be an efficient method of achieving the optimum level of consumption. Well conceived demand reduction efforts promise an unambiguously positive outcome (i.e., less incentives for drug-induced criminality) relative to effective supply restrictions where there may be an offsetting expenditure effect arising out of the price increase. A simultaneous shift leftward of both the demand and supply curves (arising from very effective supply and demand reduction initiatives) could, theoretically, see a reduction of both the drug trade and the organized crime related with the (illegal) sale of drugs). However, a drug-free society cannot be achieved. A simultaneous shift leftward of both the demand and supply curves (arising from very effective supply and demand reduction initiatives) could, theoretically, eradicate the drug trade, and respectively , the organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs), thus achieving a drug-free society. Goals G1: Reduction in the consumption of drugs G2: A reduction in the drug-induced criminality G3: A reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs Policy-instrument P2: Legalize the sale of drugs D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S Governments hesitate to adopt this policy because it is seen as morally wrong to legalise drug use, even if the longer-term objective is to restrain consumption more effectively. To the extent that legalizing drugs would make them cheaper, it would create many new addicts and the incidence of drug-induced crime would increase. Thus, legalizing drugs not only does not decrease criminal behaviour; almost certainly, it would spur its increase. If there are any regulations or taxes of (for example, an excise tax)placed upon the legalized drugs, the emergence of organized crime, most certainly, will not be reduced. Governments hesitate to adopt this policy because it is seen as morally wrong to legalise drug use, even if the longer-term objective is to restrain consumption more effectively. Goals G1: Reduction in the consumption of drugs G2: A reduction in the drug-induced criminality G3: A reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs Policy-instruments P3: Distribute drugs for free D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S A successful demand reduction would be possible only in the case of perfectly inelastic demand curve, causing the new lower demand curve to intersect with the given supply curve at a lower price and a lower quantity bought and sold. Thus, the consumption is expected to decrease. In the case of inelastic demand, the consumption is more likely to increase than to decrease. A successful demand reduction would be possible only in the case of perfectly inelastic demand curve, causing the new lower demand curve to intersect with the given supply curve at a lower price and a lower quantity bought and sold. Thus, the total expenditure on drugs is reduced as well, providing less incentives for drug-induced criminality or drug substitutions. If one sees drug-induced criminality as criminality under the influence of drugs, then free distribution would increase drug-related criminality. Since drugs are distributed for free (p=0), the emergence of organized crime connected with the illegal sale of drugs is expected to be eradicated. Goals G1: Reduction in the consumption of drugs G2: A reduction in the drug-induced criminality G3: A reduction of the emergence of organized crime connected with the (illegal) sale of drugs Policy-instruments P4: Decrease the demand for drugs D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S D1, S D2, S Persuasion efforts to reduce the demand for drugs are unaffected by the price elasticity of demand. Successful persuasion will result in the original demand curve to decline. Thus, the consumption of drugs is reduced. However, the drug consumption cannot be reduced to 0. Persuasion efforts to reduce the demand for drugs are unaffected by the price elasticity of demand. Successful persuasion will result in the original demand curve to decline causing a reduction in drug-induced criminality Persuasion efforts to reduce the demand for drugs are unaffected by the price elasticity of demand. Successful persuasion will result in the original demand curve to decline, causing a lower demand curve that intersects with the existing supply curve and yields a street price that is so low that it is no longer profitable to supply drugs. In other words, the organized crime related to the illegal sale of drugs is reduced (if not wiped out) due to insufficient demand.

Deconstructing the clock Essay -- essays research papers

Summary Ever since the dawn of civilization we have observed time by its natural occurrence and we also relied on man made primitive tools to measure time. In the beginning, time has always been a natural event, for example, sunrise to sunset but men’s earlier primitive tools to measure time were inaccurate and were only an approximate indicator, hence often unreliable such as the hour glass.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  We became enslaved by the concept of time; our society is controlled by this mechanical device which dictates our schedule accordingly. Time has evolved from a simple method of nature into a measurable product which can be sold and bought. The industrial capitalism owes its existence to the concept of time, without time, the means of worker exploitation wouldn’t exist today.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The clock first appeared during the 11th century â€Å"...as a device for ringing bells at regular intervals in monasteries†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Woodcock 883). During the 13th century the first authenticated clock appeared then 14th century came to popularizes clocks â€Å"†¦as common ornaments of the public building in German cities† (Woodcock 883). The early clocks were operated by weight and weren’t really accurate to depend on but during the 16th century, a greater reliability was achieved, the Hampton clock was the first accurate clock in the 1540’s. The Hampton clock only had the hour hands and the two other hands are still not implemented â€Å"The idea of measuring time in minut...

My Philosophy of Education :: Teaching Teachers Educational Essays

My Philosophy of Education I always get asked why I am a chemistry major if I have no intention of working in industry. My sarcastic verbal answer is that I must not like having free time, or getting credit for four hour-long labs. The real reason is because I have a passion for education, especially in the sciences. Children are our future and as such need to be educated. I believe one of the key reasons why the United States is the great nation that it is today is because of the educational opportunities that we offer the masses. This way, we have a larger pool for our leaders of tomorrow to be pulled from. It is our job as teachers to educate these masses and even if they don’t become the leaders of tomorrow, they are going to fulfill important roles in society. We owe the American Dream to the younger generations; they deserve not only the opportunities that we had, but even more opportunities. I would like to see every child pursue the path of success and tap into their unlimited potential. While this is a wonderful dream, it is not realistic. Due to many factors such as, but most certainly not limited to learning disabilities, substance abuse, violence, incurable diseases, inadequate family involvement, not all students will come close to their actual potential. Above and beyond giving children an education in our field, we are to help them overcome these problems and to succeed in life. By giving a child an education, we are giving them a future. There are many ways in which we can overcome many of these problems. Learning disabilities are becoming less of a disadvantage these days due to in and out of class support and diverse teaching methods. By catering to multiple intelligences and helping students find their niches in school, we are helping them stay away from drugs and violence by giving an alternate venue to express themselves. Students are us ually better off if they have a family that is actively involved and supportive of their education. As educators we must plan programs for those students who are deficient in this area, we must also be supportive and supply the students with a conducive environment for education.